The Republican convention in Tampa in August will not feature smoke-filled rooms and a brokered nomination for president.
The only smoke produced will come those delegates and media who enjoy cigars. Those smoke-filled rooms will be far from the convention floor. (Tampa is a center of U.S. cigar production.)
Well before Tampa, Mitt Romney and his political team will have taken complete control of the convention. My conservative tallying has Mr. Romney at a minimum of 1250 delegates at the end of the primaries, more than a hundred more than he needs for a first ballot victory. That’s a minimum. The actual number will probably be closer to 1400. Mr. Gingrich, Mr. Paul, and Mr. Santorum, if they wish, will be placed in nomination. Unless Mr. Romney’s team are complete amateurs and incompetents, they will design that first ballot to end promptly and orderly, make all the other presentations on the four-day program enhance the Romney campaign agenda and themes, and have their nominee make his acceptance speech timed precisely to be delivered at prime time.
As for speeches by Mr. Gingrich, Mr. Paul and Mr. Santorum, that should depend on how they act between now and convention time. At a minimum, they should warmly endorse Mr. Romney. As history has demonstrated, a nominee who allows a less-than-enthsuiastic former opponent to speak at the convention is courting disaster. Senator Ted Kennedy’s speech at the 1980 Democratic convention, after a bitter nominating battle between him and a renominated Jimmy Carter, overshadowed the unpopular president who then lost to Ronald Reagan that November. Incumbent President George H.W Bush let his major opponent for the GOP nomination in 1992, Pat Buchanan, make a major speech at the convention that year (the so-called ”cultural war” speech). That speech is generally credited to contributing to Mr. Bush’s defeat in November by Bill Clinton because it turned off so many independent and centrist voters from the GOP candidacy.
(SIDE NOTE: I was present on the floor of that 1992 convention when Mr. Buchanan made that speech (having just obtained a one-hour floor press pass), and distinctly remember how inflammatory it was. I had met President Bush’s son George W. Bush five years before, and saw him on the convention floor, trouble-shooting for his father, while Buchanan was speaking, and distinctly remember him telling me how upset he was at Buchanan’s remarks.)
While Mr. Gingrich and Mr. Paul have already muted their criticism of Mr. Romney, and appear to have accepted the likelihood of his nomination, Mr Santorum has not done so. It’s a free country, and Mr Santorum has the right to make a complete political ass of himself, something at which he seems quite successful. Unless Mr. Romney and his convention team are suicidal, they won’t let the former Pennsylvania senator near the podium in Tampa. (They could send him to a smoke-filled cigar store in Tampa to huff and puff the local wares.)
As President Obama and his convention team will almost certainly demonstrate in Charlotte, North Carolina a week after the GOP convention, these events are totally-choreographed public relations shows for the nominees of their party. The Democrats have already shortened their convention by one day, and the remaining three days will undoubtedly showcase Mr. Obama and Mr. Biden as faultless champions for the course of America’s next four years. Four years ago in St. Paul, Mr. McCain and his team showed how this can be done. Mr. McCain’s primary opponents, Mr. Romney and Mr. Huckabee did not speak in prime time, and when they did, it was brief and in warm support for McCain. Mr. McCain lost in November, but it was not because of the GOP convention in St. Paul in August.
The idea of a brokered convention in Tampa was an illusion. Mr. Santorum apparently still believes it can happen. His illusion has now become a delusion, and he has increasingly become a figure of political ridicule. From the beginning I said he was not ready for prime time, that his rise came about solely because he was the last social conservative standing.
Now virtually everything he says about Tampa and Mr. Romney is self-parody.
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-Please visit Mr. Casselman’s personal site.
With the Republican Primaries winding down and Mitt Romney now the overwhelming odds-on favorite to win the Republican nomination, the attention of the GOP will now focus on two things. One will be the selection of the Governor’s running mate on which much ink has been spilled already. The other will be the Republican National Convention in Tampa. Governor Romney will have the majority of the delegates and by then all of them will want to show a united Party. However, to get Santorum, Paul and Gingrich delegates enthusiastic about him, Governor Romney might have to give them something. The easiest place for this to happen is in the party platform and it is here that we might see some diplomacy from the Romney campaign to help unite the Party.
The most particularly vexing group at the convention will no doubt be the Ron Paul supporters. With Congressman Paul having such different views than his fellow Republicans on a variety of issues, coming to an agreement him and his forces will require some delicate maneuvering. Even though Congressman Paul will probably end up at least giving verbal support to Governor Romney, his supporters will want something in return. A good speaking slot will be a must for Congressman Paul, but another thing that could give the Paul supporters something to cheer about will be in the platform. Paul’s foreign policy is clearly unacceptable to the majority of Republicans, but his economic views are closer to the GOP mainstream and it is here in the platform that the Paulites can show their influence. A plank calling for an audit of the Federal Reserve would make Paulites happy, as would a plank setting up a commission to look at the nation’s monetary policy. Congressman Paul has made both of these things major talking points in his campaign. These two planks should help satisfy the Paul supporters and to be blunt, a man who only has 71 delegates at this point doesn’t deserve any bigger concessions.
The Gingrich and Santorum camps shouldn’t require too much negotiation; after all the differences between the top three contenders aren’t that great. Suffice to say, Romney will have to have to include a strong pro-life and socially conservative plank in the platform to make Senator Santorum happy. A specific plank on restoring America’s manufacturing competitiveness would also show Santorum’s message has been acknowledged by the GOP. As for Gingrich, he’s been talking a lot recently about energy issues, so letting him have some say on the energy plank would help soothe the Speaker’s ego. The Speaker is an idea’s man, so if Romney discusses the platform with Gingrich, would fit with Gingrich’s desire to be a policy voice inside the Party.
To be sure, there will be other things as well that will be done to help unite the GOP around Governor Romney: endorsements by both his competitors, a good running mate choice, and the thought of beating President Obama will all heal whatever interparty wounds have developed from this primary season. But if Romney wants to give his rivals some policy influence, the GOP platform could be the way to do it.
If you thought Newt Gingrich campaign was a long-shot, it just got harder. From the GOP rulebook:
Nominations(b) Each candidate for nomination for President of the United States and Vice President of the United States shall demonstrate the support of a plurality of the delegates from each of five (5) or more states, severally, prior to the presentation of the name of that candidate for nomination.
So Newt must win at least five states before he can get his name placed in nomination. He has won two: South Carolina and Georgia. Is there anyone out there that thinks he can win three more? Remember in Illinois, he came in fourth behind Ron Paul. He also lost to Santorum in Mississippi and Alabama.
There is an out. If he can manage to convince enough uncommitted delegates to give him a plurality in five states, he can get his name placed in consideration. But how likely is that to happen? He’s been stuck at about 15% and hasn’t been in the twenties for at least six weeks. When Santorum had that slide a month ago, it didn’t help Newt one bit. And if that weren’t enough, his donations have pretty much dried up. If it weren’t for his friend in Nevada continually funding his super-PAC, Newt would have no money left.
Speaking of Ron Paul, he’s even worse off than Newt. He hasn’t won a single state. However, most observers have long speculated that winning the nomination was never Paul’s real goal. It would be great if it happened, but his true purpose was supposedly to amass enough delegates to be a force in drawing up the platform. So getting nominated is likely not high on his priorities.
So says Brian Bolduc at National Review Online, as well as the wonky folks over at Frontloading HQ. Their premise essentially boils down to this: start by giving Rick Santorum 50% support in all the rest of the primaries, including 50% across every congressional district as well. As FHQ notes, this is an extremely generous scenario to gift Santorum with, since he is nowhere close to those numbers at the moment (and it’s pretty near impossible to imagine a time when he would be). But let’s say he manages to pull off this miracle: where does that leave him delegate-wise?
1,075 delegates.
That’s right: under the most absurd scenario possible, Santorum still falls short of the 1,144 threshold.
Now here’s the caveat: this scenario does not take into account unbound delegates — such as those won from Colorado, Minnesota, or Iowa — just the bound delegates. But even so, remember that 1,075 number is based off of Santorum picking up 50% support in every state from here on out. In all reality, he will be nowhere close to netting 1,144 delegates from this race.
So at this point, what we’ve known instinctively for some time becomes “official”: this race can now only end one of two ways — either Romney will be the outright nominee, or the GOP convention will go to multiple ballots. Odds are much, much greater for the former than for the latter, which begs the question: when will Santorum and Gingrich drop out for the good of the party?
Dave Gaultier, Chris Lars and I exchanged a series of emails a few days ago on the subject of a brokered convention. I was about to post my thoughts on the subject, just when Anthony Dalke beat me to it. Now Chris has added some additional thoughts, so I will limit myself to a slightly different slant on it.
First, however, I should note that in the course of the conversation, Dave and I took a stab at projecting final delegate totals for the four current entrants, using Sean Trende’s calculator. We came up with very similar numbers.
Dave’s guess:
Romney – 1021
Santorum – 733
Gingrich – 291
Paul – 77
My guess:
Romney – 1011
Santorum – 657
Gingrich – 270
Paul – 180
Both of us put Romney at a point where he’d be close enough that a few deals could put him over. But there would be no room for error. If a loss in Michigan or Arizona led to further slippage in other states, he would probably be in a hopeless situation.
Which leads to the conclusion that a contested convention (to use the currently popular term), once considered a long-shot (I posted about the idea a couple months ago, using the header ‘Weird Scenario’), is now a very real possibility. The speculation, fueled by reports of comments by an anonymous ‘prominent’ Republican Senator, that a new entrant should be found if Romney continues to stumble, leads me therefore to put together a ranking of the leading possibilities to play the role of White Knight (is that a racist term?).
Christie: His endorsement of Romney is a double-edged sword. On the one hand, it might antagonize other factions; on the other, given that he is popular with Tea Partiers, it makes him an ideal compromise. Christie recently vetoed a gay marriage bill in New Jersey, which should please SoCons. He could get in, obviously, only if Romney withdrew.
Ryan: If this blog is any indicator (often a dubious proposition), Ryan has a considerable amount of support. Like Christie, he appeared to come close to stepping in a few times. He is young, attractive, and has gained wider renown than is normal for House members because of his economic proposals. His nomination would mean the Republicans are betting all their chips on the economy.
Jindal: Not hobbled by an endorsement, since his horse is out of the race. Like Ryan, very young, but also very accomplished. Completed a successful term as governor and re-elected overwhelmingly; also confronted Obama on the oil spill. He might be the best Establishment candidate to add strength in the south, which would undercut the delegate totals Santorum and Gingrich look likely to roll up there. Acceptable to both social and fiscal conservatives.
Daniels: Was a popular choice early on, and many supporters have continued to dream. Has an outstanding two-term record to run on, including huge tax cuts, school choice and the recent right-to-work bill that attracted much notice on the right. His SOTU response got positive reviews. Like Ryan, his nomination would mean the Republicans are going all-out on the economy (although he has a strong SoCon record, his call for a ‘truce’ alienated some). Biggest drawback may be that he is seen by some as too much like Romney. Bias acknowledgement – Daniels would be my choice. Note: Said ‘no’ again today, for what it’s worth.
Pawlenty: Has endorsed Romney, so could get in, like Christie, only if Romney withdrew. Like Daniels, has two successful terms to run on. Also like Daniels, may be seen as too much like Romney. Pawlenty has a great back-story and blue collar appeal, but his biggest weakness is that he got in and went nowhere.
Thune: We’re scraping bottom here. I can’t think of much to say about the guy, which is an indicator of how fascinating he is. He did garner some interest in early 2011, however, and might be the choice if none of the above wanted in. He’d be a decent placeholder candidate if the goal was simply to avoid embarrassment and losses of congressional seats.
Huckabee: FiCons and social moderates would scream bloody murder, but might reluctantly accept him as more palatable (or at least less offensive) than Santorum, if things come down to a stop-Santorum movement. His strengths and weaknesses are well-known, so no need to review them.
Bush: He’d be a great candidate if he could run under an alias. A brokered convention would cause enough cries of fraud without nominating a Bush.
Palin: Has a strong and vocal core of supporters and a wide sea of detractors. Virtually no chance.
Unknown Unknown: In memory of Secretary Rumsfeld (who is not a likely candidate, as far as I know), and in the interests of having a number ten, we’ll throw in the possibility of somebody else.
I call your attention to today’s installment of what has begun to seem like daily brokered convention/white knight rumors:
Most reporters still think Romney “will find a way to win Michigan.” Nevertheless, some of the nation’s most powerful Republicans are poring over filing deadlines and pondering worst-case scenarios.
Our friend handed us a printout of FEC deadlines for ballot access, with five of them circled and starred: California (March 23), Montana (March 12), New Jersey (April 2), New Mexico (March 16) and South Dakota (March 27). The point: Even after Feb. 28, it might be possible to assemble a Hail Mary candidacy that could garner enough delegates to force a CONTESTED convention (a different nuance than BROKERED, which implies that someone is in charge).
Under RNC rules, the delegate count builds slowly: just 15% before Super Tuesday, March 6; 19% through Super Tuesday (brings you to 34%); 17% in the rest of March (brings you to 51%); with 48% in April, May and June (21%, 12%, 15%).
Our friend said: “If somebody came on the scene that week after Super Tuesday with, ‘I’m coming in. I’m taking a look at this,’ there are enough delegates. He would suck all the oxygen out of the race.
At this point, the unfolding of this race has so often taken me by surprise that I no longer place much stock in predictions even by me. But, for what it’s worth, I’ll opt against categorically ruling out a brokered (or contested, as the cited article suggests) convention.
Of course, the conversation then turns to who (or is it “whom”?) would benefit from the unrest in the party and become the white knight. For my money (keep in mind how poorly I’ve fared with foreseeing the proceedings of this race), I can’t see the GOP rallying behind Jeb Bush, with his toxic last name and the treasure trove of campaign material it would bring. Mitch Daniels doesn’t seem to have the personality to clear the “intensity” hurdle the base clearly seeks in a potential nominee. Nor does Bobby Jindal. Chris Christie doesn’t seem to want it. Neither does Marco Rubio (nor does he likely feel ready). Mike Huckabee appears too comfortable in his media role. Sarah Palin generates too much uneasiness among much of the party faithful. And for the nostalgic, Rudy Giuliani would have a difficult time convincing voters of his relevance.
Thus, for my money, I’ll have to agree with my esteemed colleague Matthew Miller and argue that Paul Ryan seems like the most logical and realistic choice. As Matthew frequently notes, Ryan still has one of the highest profiles of anyone in the party, especially when budget season rolls around. And both the grassroots and upper levels of the party hold him in high regard. What do you think? Agree? Disagree?
Nancy French writing in Patheos (emphasis added):
With all the hoopla surrounding the Virginia ballot, I wondered how the candidates fared in my home state. Tennessee works a little differently than other states. In fact, it seems that every state has a little tweak, a little nuance that makes it a little different from the others. That’s why the process is a great peek into how a candidate can handle complicated issues that require organization and hard work.
Tennessee will have fifty-eight delegates to the Tampa Republican National Convention. Each of our nine congressional districts will have three delegates. That means that Presidential candidates must find delegates who are leaders in their community willing to walk around with a clipboard asking friends and strangers to sign their names and their addresses on behalf of their candidacy for their preferred Presidential candidate. Each delegate had to get one hundred valid signatures of registered voters.
…
In addition to the congressional delegates, fourteen “at large” delegates will be elected. These delegates had a slightly easier job, because they weren’t restricted to a certain district and could signatures from any registered voter in our state.
A full slate of delegate candidates would be forty-one.
So which candidates were able to supply a full slate for Tennessee? Only one:
Michelle Bachmann: 0
Gary Johnson: 0
Rick Santorum: 0
Ron Paul: 35
Newt Gingrich: 34
Rick Perry: 27
Mitt Romney: 48
…
[I]t’s worth noting that the Yankee governor received forty-eight delegates in our southern state, pulling off what no other candidate could. What does this say about the conventional wisdom that southerners won’t warm to him?
You will note that Mrs. French states that a full slate of delegates is 41. Yet where none of the other candidates qualified that many, Mitt qualified 48. (I checked. He really does have 48 delegates qualified. You can check here yourself if you wish.) So not only did Romney fulfill all the requirements for Tennessee, he went the extra mile besides.
That is a hallmark of his organization. In Virginia when told the party would automatically qualify him if he reached 15,000 signatures, he wasn’t satisfied until his campaign had collected more than 16,000. Even then he still had his people do an audit on over a third of them to verify they had enough valid signatures to get on the ballot. The last step was totally unnecessary, but he did it anyway.
I am grateful I don’t have to compete with the guy.
Before attempting to answer that question in earnest, may I first suggest reading these previously-embargoed interviews that I conducted two months ago at the convention in St. Paul with pro-choice Republicans, following the selection of staunch pro-lifer, Sarah Palin, as Senator McCain’s running mate.
Pollster Frank Luntz
GOLDMAN: I read in Joe Klein’s piece in Time about your focus group that you conducted here. Did the focus group know Sarah Palin’s position on abortion and what impact…?
LUNTZ: Yes, they heard about it, and it turned them against her.
Pennsylvania Senator Arlen Specter (R)
LAURA LITVAN (Bloomberg): You sound very, very concerned about the direction of the Party. I was wondering what you think about Palin as the choice for vice presidential candidate.
GOLDMAN (clarifying Litvan’s question for Senator Specter) : …That she opposes the exceptions to which you cited.
SPECTER: I would think that there’s room for diversity of opinion on that subject, as with all other subjects. The big tent is big enough for her and me. I think she’s a bold step and I back Senator McCain on what he is doing here. I think that there is a yearning to have people who have the citizen’s touch, who haven’t been in Washington so long and standing in so many party lines, and so much party loyalties, and so much party straitjackets, that I think she has potential to excite a lot of impressionable support among the people people.
GOLDMAN: Senator, how do you feel women will respond upon learning of her position on abortion, with respect to opposing exceptions for rape and incest?
SPECTER: Well, I think that — I believe that she has many attributes besides her position on this — exceptions on abortion, which will appeal to women.
GOLDMAN: What impact, if any, then do you think it will have? No impact? Is that what you…?
SPECTER: Well, it’s hard to say that anything has no impact. The question is how much, and the question is whether there are counterbalancing factors, and she has a lot on her resume to recommend her otherwise. And I think that it is a fertile field for the obvious reason that Hillary is not in the field now. There are a lot of women who are concerned about the women’s world, so she has very strong attributes on many, many other issues.
GOLDMAN: Thank you very much, Senator.
Former California Governor Pete Wilson (R)
GOLDMAN: Excuse me, Governor, may I ask you a quick question – Aron Goldman from Race 4 2008 – I was interested in knowing your thoughts on Governor Palin’s position with respect to abortion — that she opposes exceptions for rape and incest — and what impact, if any, do you think that will have on women voters and those that John McCain is seeking to reach out to with this selection.
WILSON: Well, I don’t think it’s going to have much, frankly, because I think that most people have a position on this issue, one way or the other, and I don’t think that her position is going to be foremost either in her presentation, or in the issues that are going to be debated, and are really going to be central in this. The issues obviously are foreign policy, and the issue of spending, and frankly, the socialistic policies tried and failed by the Democrats since the New Deal on. It really hasn’t changed. It’s just gotten worse.
GOLDMAN: How does the focus on national security — how is that reconciled with the selection of Governor — with respect to Governor Palin, who only has 20 months experience as a governor in Alaska, and does not necessarily have foreign policy experience to the extent that Senator McCain had indicated that his running mate, whomever he was going to choose, would be perceived to be ready to take over from Day 1?
WILSON: Well, she doesn’t have foreign policy experience, but she does have executive experience, and she has been governor of Alaska for almost as long as Obama has been in the Senate, and frankly, has achieved a great deal more; and has demonstrated a great deal of courage in being willing to attack those who were really involved in corruption even though they were in her own party. So, she’s got guts. She’s clearly got brains, and I think she is a quick and energetic learner, and she has an opportunity to be at the side of someone whose foreign policy strength is not just based upon experience, but upon judgment. There are a lot of people who have been in the Senate for a long time. Experience doesn’t mean they are wise.
GOLDMAN: So, you are confident that she would be ready to lead Day 1, should, God forbid, Senator McCain…?
WILSON: Well, he is confident, and he knows her better than I — I have never met the governor. But I do know people in Alaska who know her well, and who are very high on her. They are impressed by her courage, and also impressed by her expertise in the area of energy, which is going to be a very real issue in our foreign policy.
GOLDMAN: I appreciate that, Governor.
Political Strategist/Consultant Dick Morris
GOLDMAN: I wanted to know — ironically, we’re here at a Republicans for Choice event, and in light of Governor Palin’s position with respect to abortion, in which she opposes exceptions –
MORRIS: Where are you from?
GOLDMAN: Race 4 2008…Miami, Florida.
MORRIS: What is that? A radio station?
GOLDMAN: No, a political blog.
MORRIS: OK, good. OK, fire away.
GOLDMAN: With respect to Governor Palin’s position on abortion, that she opposes even exceptions for rape and incest — your thoughts on the impact that could have with respect to the women voters that Senator McCain is trying to bring into the fold and…
MORRIS: I think that everybody understands that it’s a sincerely held view. And, after all, she’s living it by having a Down’s baby child. And, it’s no different than McCain’s position on the issue. And, I think it will hurt him — the effort to get women voters. I think women are overwhelmingly pro-choice, but it’s one — and if there are women who feel that’s the only issue, it will be decisive, but no more or less so than McCain would’ve been on his own. But, if — but when you’re dealing with the — what I think is really the key swing women vote, which are unmarried women who are struggling to get by, I think they will see in Sarah a real kindred spirit on a whole host of issues that are very important to them. And, I think that the women voters who are now up for grabs are going to vote — are going to be heavily influenced by her being on the ticket — all the more so with all the steps she’s taken, and the way McCain is standing by her.
GOLDMAN: Is there a distinction between her personally advocating a position which can certainly be respected, as opposed to a position she would mandate for other girls and women who were raped or victims of incest?
MORRIS: Yes. Well, her role is federal as vice president, obviously, isn’t — doesn’t exist. As president, she would appoint judges.
GOLDMAN: Certainly.
MORRIS: But the only thing the Supreme Court would do is to hold that the states can prohibit abortion. And then it would be a state-by-state battle, and I’ll meet her in the trenches. I’ll be on the other side.
GOLDMAN: Understand. But, Senator McCain — my understanding of Senator McCain’s position was that he, in fact, did support the exceptions; however he didn’t fight the platform on that specific issue.
MORRIS: I don’t — I don’t know.
GOLDMAN: OK. Fair enough. Thank you, Dick.
MORRIS: Thanks a lot.
Minnesota State Representative Hutchinson (R)
GOLDMAN: How do you feel about Governor Palin’s position with respect to abortion, in that she opposes exceptions for even victims of rape and incest?
HUTCHINSON: I disagree strongly with her. But, you can’t have it all. We’ll work on her. You know, and I’m not sure what she thinks matters. It’s how the Supreme Court is dealt with, with the new appointees, and not what we can do.
GOLDMAN: Do you express any concern of Senator McCain’s age and with respect to being — as president, the increased likelihood of her assuming office during the course of — if not a one term, a second term of a McCain presidency — of what the implications would be, with respect to her judicial appointments should she come into office.
HUTCHINSON: You know, I was — years ago I was concerned whenever a president that was against the choice position was elected, but you know it hasn’t made a bit of difference in Roe vs. Wade, and I’m hoping that she isn’t able to, either. You know, the Supreme Court justices that are appointed have much more say. I’m concerned about them.
GOLDMAN: Well, certainly, that’s the president’s responsibility to appoint…
HUTCHINSON: Well, that’s correct. That’s correct. You know, I personally believe that John McCain, privately, is more middle of the road than his vice presidential choice. I think that she has a lot of other good qualities that made her a candidate.
GOLDMAN: Well, he does support, to my understanding — he does, in fact, support those exceptions for rape and incest. However, he didn’t insist on the platform change — was my understanding. He also, back in 2000, had indicated that, you know, if, should his then-teenage daughter have become pregnant that the decision would be a family one and should not be anyone else’s business.
HUTCHINSON: Absolutely. That’s what I meant. And I think, you know, Republicans can’t have it both ways. They either have less government and stay out of people’s personal lives, and out of the bedrooms, and out of their pocketbooks; in which case they have no business making that decision. And if a woman privately decides that her religion is the reason she’s not having an abortion, that’s fine. That’s her reason.
GOLDMAN: Most people respect…
HUTCHINSON: I respect her decision.
GOLDMAN: Sure.
HUTCHINSON: I had a number of children and I chose never to have an abortion. That’s my choice. I’m not going to ram it down the throat of anybody else.
GOLDMAN: But, I think that’s the issue — is the fact that you have the perception, at the very least that, her belief is it’s not just the position she personally holds, but one that she would force, or thrust upon others who were victims of rape or incest.
HUTCHINSON: Well, she’s young, and I’m hoping she will switch her position. You know, I think that she is – she has enough respect for people’s intelligence and right to make their own personal decisions; that maybe we can get her off that…And, I think that the Evangelical people grabbed a hold of McCain and somehow convinced him that he needed their vote to win. Now, I don’t believe that. I think the silent majority of women that sit home, and even the older women, they’re all pro-choice. They just don’t want to participate in the argument.
GOLDMAN: How do you think women are going to react as they learn of Governor Palin’s position?
HUTCHINSON: It’s not going to make them vote for Obama. Obama is much too left wing, I think.
GOLDMAN: Will they still turn out, though, to vote for McCain is the question.
HUTCHINSON: I think so. I think so.
GOLDMAN: Representative Hutchinson, I appreciate your time.
HUTCHINSON: Thank you.
GOLDMAN: Thank you.
Maine Senator Olympia Snowe (R)
GOLDMAN: Senator — Aron Goldman, with Race 4 2008 — a political blog. I was interested in getting your response to — we were at the Republican Majority for Choice event earlier this evening and I got words from Arlen Specter in which he was saying that we would like to have a bigger tent in — where people who aren’t necessarily pro-life would be welcome in the Republican Party. And I was curious to know, since Governor Palin was brought onto the ticket — what is your impression of how women are going to respond when they learn of her position on the issue of abortion in respect to her opposition to exceptions in cases of rape and incest?
SNOWE: Well, I think that, again, people generally make decisions on a number of issues. You know, there are some who would make it strictly on the abortion question. Others are going to look at the totality of the candidacy of both John McCain, and, of course, of Governor Palin as well. So I think it really does depend on the individual. I mean, you know — polls have shown in the past that people don’t just generally make a decision in that regard. But I think again, it all depends on what’s important to persons casting that ballot. So, I think it remains to be seen. Can she attract women of different views? I think she certainly can, for John. I’ve — you know, I think we should have – I agree with Arlen Specter. We certainly should have a big tent. I have always advocated that, fought for that here on the convention floor, and in many arenas, and regrettably, our party hasn’t been a big tent, in trying to be more inclusive of — regardless of varying views, whether it’s on abortion or any other issue, for that matter. I think in order to be a majority party, we have to be inclusive. I think there’s no question. But I think as far as Governor Palin is concerned, I think that she can have a broad appeal, and at least focus on the economic issues, and obviously depending about what message is given in, during the course of this campaign and what her candidacy is all about as well. People getting to know her, for example, and that has yet to happen, and it will tomorrow night when she makes her major introductory maiden speech here at the convention, and to America for that matter.
GOLDMAN: What was your reaction with respect to — Senator McCain had supported the exceptions in the year 2000 and never changed his position, but he relented to the platform and left it in place. Were you disappointed by that?
SNOWE: Well, you know, I think – it’s been my experience with platforms, because I’ve fought for changes in the platform regarding abortion. I was on the rules committee here on the floor. It’s constant, and generally, you know, ultimately, the platform doesn’t necessarily become the ultimate agenda for America. I mean, it’s a reflection of many here, obviously, and perhaps the overwhelming majority, I don’t know. But, interestingly enough, in the last conventions, I recall, the majority of the delegates were – might have even been, you know, pro-life, so I think that many do support exceptions, so it’s not necessarily reflective of the delegates nor necessarily reflective of Republicans overall in this country, let alone the majority of Americans, so, and generally, platforms are set aside. We’d like to have a better statement. So I regret that we don’t have those types of exceptions, but that being what it is, we’ll continue to fight — those of us, the few voices we have, in that regard, in the United States Senate and beyond.
GOLDMAN: Thank you for your time, Senator.
SNOWE: Yup, thank you.
The Republican National Committee has announced the formation of the Pennsylvania Swing Of Victory Bus Tour 2008, headlined by former Senator Fred Thompson. From the newswire:
The Republican National Committee (RNC) today announced the Pennsylvania swing of the “Victory 2008″ bus tour. RNC Deputy Chairman Frank Donatelli, former U.S. Sen. Fred Thompson (R-TN), actor Robert Davi, Attorney General Tom Corbett, U.S. Representative Joe Pitts, U.S. Representative Jim Gerlach, candidate for Pennsylvania Auditor General Chet Beiler, Chairman of the Republican Committee of Lancaster County (RCLC) Dave Dumeyer, and Chester County Republican Party Chairman Skip Brion will host grassroots events in Lancaster, York, and Berks County, and King of Prussia.
The trip also includes a “Guns & Religion” rally with Sen. Thompson keynoting the event.
Lancaster, PA
WHO: Frank Donatelli, RNC Deputy Chairman
Fred Thompson, Former U.S. Senator
Robert Davi, Actor
Tom Corbett, Attorney General
Joe Pitts, U.S. Representative
Chet Beiler, Candidate For PA Auditor General
Dave Dumeyer, Chairman Of RCLC
WHAT: Lancaster County GOP Luncheon
WHEN: Wednesday, October 29, 2008 at 12:30 p.m. EDT
WHERE: Lancaster Host & Resort
2300 Lincoln Highway East (Route 30)
Lancaster, PA
York, PA
WHO: Frank Donatelli, RNC Deputy Chairman
Fred Thompson, Former U.S. Senator
Robert Davi, Actor
WHAT: “Guns & Religion” Rally
WHEN: Wednesday, October 29, 2008 at 2:30 p.m. EDT
WHERE: York County Victory HQ
2210 E. Market Street
York, PA
Berks County, PA
WHO: Frank Donatelli, RNC Deputy Chairman
Fred Thompson, Former U.S. Senator
Robert Davi, Actor
WHAT: Berks County Victory HQ Drop By
WHEN: Wednesday, October 29, 2008 at 4:15 p.m. EDT
WHERE: Berks County Victory HQ
5001 Perkiomen Avenue(Business Route 422)
Exeter, PA
King of Prussia, PA
WHO: Frank Donatelli, RNC Deputy Chairman
Fred Thompson, Former U.S. Senator
Robert Davi, Actor
WHAT: Chester County GOP Reception
WHEN: Wednesday, October 29, 2008 at 6:00 p.m. EDT
WHERE: 260 Mall Boulevard
King of Prussia, PA
King of Prussia, PA
WHO: Frank Donatelli, RNC Deputy Chairman
Fred Thompson, Former U.S. Senator
Robert Davi, Actor
Jim Gerlach, U.S. Representative
Joe Pitts, U.S. Representative
Skip Brion, Chester County Chairman
WHAT: Chester County GOP Fall Dinner
WHEN: Wednesday, October 29, 2008 at 7:00 p.m. EDT
WHERE: 260 Mall Boulevard
King of Prussia, PA
Paid for by the Republican National Committee.
Any idea on the recent surge of connections the between the RNC and Fred Thompson? He sure has been front and center as their point man recently. Hmmm… interesting…
California Congressman Duncan Hunter (R)
GOLDMAN: I was interested in knowing – are we making progress with the building of the fence, and where things stand now, and how many miles have been…
HUNTER: Yeah, we’re going to have — we’ll have about 380 miles of what is known as pedestrian fence completed by December 31st. That’s the goal of the administration. They don’t have it done yet, but we are building in Arizona, New Mexico, Texas and California.
GOLDMAN: Is there any chance, should, God forbid, Obama win the election, that the program for the fence could actually cease, or is it guaranteed to proceed regardless?
HUNTER: No, you have to, obviously, you have – any program requires one thing – money, funds, appropriations. If you have a president who is not inclined to finish the fence – John McCain is committed that he will finish the fence. Senator Obama is probably not friendly with the idea of the fence project. So, if he has the cooperation of the Democrats in Congress, Obama could stop the fence construction.
Former House Speaker Newt Gingrich (R)
GOLDMAN: Do you think ANWR is on the table now that…?
GINGRICH: Look, I think that’s a conversation that President McCain and Vice President Palin will have to have after the election. But, I think for the moment – we have a commitment for drilling. We have a commitment for clean coal. We have a commitment for nuclear. I am thrilled, and I think that where we are positioned on energy is such a radical contrast with the higher cost/lower production position of the Democrats, that I am just thrilled with where Senator McCain has gotten us.
CBS News’ Chief Washington correspondent/anchor and moderator of Face the Nation, Bob Schieffer
GOLDMAN: Were there any surprises that you found in tonight’s speech?
SCHIEFFER: No, I thought he came off – this was John McCain. He was much more personal than John McCain usually is. He really doesn’t like to talk about his experiences as a POW. He just doesn’t. And tonight he shared that. And, I thought he came off very well. I thought it was a good speech. He sort of appealed to our better angels. And, I think it promises a very good campaign for America. And I’m really looking forward to it.
CNN’s Chief National Correspondent, John King
GOLDMAN: John, any surprises by tonight?
KING: I don’t know — how do you define surprises? I thought he gave the speech he wanted to give. And you can already tell by all the e-mails coming in. Republicans say it was great. Democrats say it was lousy. Welcome to politics. I think that there was a question coming into this convention just like there was with the Democratic convention. Can you bring everybody together? Will people leave with energy? I think you saw the last two nights here – there’s a lot of energy. And, if that energy carries over into the next nine weeks, then we’ve got a hell of an election on our hands. And, I was just looking up at my map, and state-by-state, Obama has an advantage right now, without a doubt. When you look at the electoral college, he has an advantage. But, two months is a long time, and a lot of the states that are in play, are states that Bush carried twice. And, they’re leaning either into the toss-up column, or some are leaning slightly Obama right now, but they’re more than gettable. They’re more than gettable. McCain has to get all the Republicans. He has to reach out to Democrats — a small slice of Democrats, and a bigger slice of Independents. Now, we’ll see. It’s going to be fun.
GOLDMAN: Is there any one single state that you think is going to make or break this election as Florida did in 2000 or Ohio in…?
KING: I was just going through a scenario – look, if John McCain doesn’t win Ohio, he’s not going to be the next President of the United States. It just doesn’t — the math doesn’t work. There are other ways, but they’re in a — you’re in such a rare scenario, a hard-to-find scenario. Republicans have to win Ohio to win the White House. I was just going through one scenario where it came down to New Hampshire. You know, a little tiny state. That little tiny state could be Colorado. It could be Nevada. It could be conceivably a Wisconsin or a Minnesota. You could get a situation where one state does it again. At the moment, the electoral map is leaning Obama, and McCain literally has to grab it, and push it back by turning some states that voted for George W. Bush that are now leaning blue. This would be one of them. This is a state that has voted Democrat that is available to a Republican if you run the right campaign. It’s a close swing state. Wisconsin is a really close swing state.
I also wanted to share with our Race 4 2008 readers a priceless moment that occurred Wednesday evening. After delivering a sharp-witted keynote address, in which Rudy Giuliani unleashed a brilliantly sarcastic, scathing attack on Barack Obama, Hizzoner, unbeknownst to most, returned for an encore performance that night at a post-convention party, to which Kavon and I were privileged to be invited.
Attendees of this soiree were treated to a selection of fine cigars upon entering. Not being much of a smoker (for which my cigar-chomping father deserves all the credit for eliciting my stogie-smoking aversion), I nonetheless decided to partake at this posh, surreal event, in which Mr. Nikrad and yours truly were admittedly, and humbly, perhaps the only two political writers there who were not (yet) nationally known. (See Tony Blankley, James Taranto, Daniel Henninger, Andrew Breitbart, Barry Casselman, Roger Simon, etc., etc.)
Moments after making his second speech of the night, Rudy made his way toward the spot I was standing. There were several people surrounding America’s Mayor, with pen and paper, seeking Hizzoner’s autograph. Despite having neither paper nor pen in hand, I didn’t want to pass up the opportunity to secure Rudy’s signature. Realizing the only pieces of paper I had on me were tightly-rolled tobacco leaves, I improvised, and asked Giuliani if he’d sign my stogie that had already gone out. With comedic chops on par with Dennis Miller, who we, incidentally, just missed meeting at the party by an hour or so, Rudy turned down my request, deadpanning: “I’m not signing your cigar. That’s something Bill Clinton would do.”
If he doesn’t land the top gig at the Justice Department, or decides he doesn’t want to play Paterson’s part in Albany, perhaps Rudy could parlay his star power and acerbic wit into a successful spin on the comedy club circuit, or maybe a full-time slot on SNL. 
John McCain is already winning over voters who are most concerned about terrorism. He’s gotten social conservatives excited by picking Palin, and aiming to pick up some blue-collar, working class votes with her “conservative populism”. He’s going to try and make a large dent in the demographic of women. Now, there’s one key demographic he’s still got to shore up and he might just win this thing: fiscal conservatives.
Fighting pork and wasteful spending is nice and all, but Obama’s attack ads about McCain not offering a middle-class tax break have some ring of truth to them. That’s why I’m proposing McCain get together with Mitt Romney to announce some bold economic proposals lifted straight out of the Romney playbook (after all, Romney’s fiscal and economic prowess and his detailed economic plans are what drew me to him in the first place). Ideas such as:
Automatically, you get investors and seniors and anyone with a savings account more excited about your campaign, and by stressing the lowest tax bracket drop you highlight your commitment to lower and middle class workers. Throwing in some support for a balanced budget amendment would be icing on the cake.
I’m hoping McCain will lay out some ideas like these during his speech tonight, when tens of millions of Americans will be watching.
Here’s my take on Sarah’s speech last night: absolutely brilliant. Easily a home run. She exceeded all expectations and delivered one of the greater speeches I’ve seen in a while. Yes, John, we do think you chose the right candidate now. Thanks for your bold leadership on this pick!
Some of my favorite lines:
The line of the night for me, however, was this gem:
In politics, there are some candidates who use change to promote their careers. And then there are those, like John McCain, who use their careers to promote change.
They need to play that over and over and over again. I love it. And I love the response of my wife to Sarah’s speech. My wife is truly and honestly one of those mythical undecided voters this year. She is torn between Obama and McCain, and leans most of the time slightly toward Obama. But after watching Sarah’s speech last night, she said to me, “Listening to Sarah Palin makes me want to vote for John McCain.”
Nice work, Team McCain. Amazing work, Sarah Palin.
A little appetizer for all our Rombots:
This evening former Massachusetts Governor Mitt Romney will address the 2008 Republican National Convention. Governor Romney will expand on the convention’s overall theme, “Country First,” and the theme for today’s program, which is “reform,” as he discusses John McCain’s ability to repair Washington’s partisan environment and restrain the unchecked growth of the federal government.
Excerpts from the governor’s remarks, as prepared for delivery, are below.
On the need to change the culture of government in Washington:
“We need change all right – change from a liberal Washington to a conservative Washington! We have a prescription for every American who wants change in Washington – throw out the big government liberals and elect John McCain.”
On why John McCain is best qualified to be our next president:
“The right course is the one championed by Ronald Reagan 30 years ago, and by John McCain today. It is to rein in government spending and lower taxes, for taking a weed-whacker to excessive regulation and mandates, for putting a stop to tort windfalls, and to stand up to the Tyrannosaurus appetite of government unions.
“And at Saddleback, after Barack Obama dodged and ducked every direct question, John McCain hit the nail on the head: radical Islam is evil, and he will defeat it! Republicans prefer straight talk to politically correct talk!”
On the dangers of big government:
“Liberals would replace opportunity with dependency on government largesse. They would grow government and raise taxes to put more people on Medicaid, to work requirements out of welfare, and to grow the ranks of those who pay no taxes at all. Dependency is death to initiative, risk-taking and opportunity. It’s time to stop the spread of government dependency to fight it like the poison it is! It’s time for the party of big ideas, not the party of Big Brother!”
On why the McCain-Palin ticket is the right choice for the future of America:
“Just like you, there has never been a day when I was not proud to be an American. We inherited the greatest nation in the history of the earth. It is our burden and privilege to preserve it, to renew its spirit so that its noble past is prologue to its glorious future. To this we are all dedicated and I firmly believe by the providence of the Almighty, that we will succeed. President McCain and Vice President Palin will keep America as it has always been – the hope of the world.”
Over the last few months, I have spent very little space or bandwidth discussing my candidate after his exit from the race, but I’m finally going to let down my defense and stick a final middle finger in the direction a lot of those in the media (Roger Simon comes to mind) who spent so much time bashing Thompson that they didn’t take the time to know that the candidate who gave that speech last night did show up over the last months of the campaign- but they were to busy commenting on other details to notice.
From the WaPo
it was former Sen. Fred Thompson (Tenn.) who stole the show with a stemwinder that mixed a heartfelt recounting of John McCain’s life with several sharp-edged attacks on the Democratic nominee.
Thompson is, and always has been, a commanding presence. At 6’5″ tall and with a deep baritone voice, he looks like a president. And yet, during his short-lived presidential bid earlier this year, he was often a listless and unpredictable presence on the campaign trail — seemingly unwilling or unable to show the sort of charisma that had attracted many people to his candidacy in the first place.
Last night, Thompson showed why so many people thought he could be the next president of the United States. He powerfully recounted the torture McCain had endured at the hands of the North Vietnamese, testified to the character of his friend and also castigated Barack Obama for his alleged lack of experience and lack of readiness to take over the job of commander-in-chief.
It was a master stroke from Thompson and caused a number of GOP strategists to wonder where he had been hiding that sort of speech during his presidential campaign.
The media can bite me. And they can bite ole’ Fred too.
I was with my friend Andy Aplikowski last evening when he snapped the below picture of Chris Matthews’ infamous leg, still tingling with excitement from last Thursday’s speech by The Word.
Other notables I met during the day in or around St. Paul’s Rice Park include Sens. Thune and Hatch, Mark Halperin (3rd time in as many months), Michael Barone, David Gregory (Narcissus on steroids), Gary Bauer, Joe Scarborough and Chuck Todd.
Who says you need to get credentialed?
Some are arguing that anything the RNC does to help Hurricane victims at this point will be a helpless ploy for votes. Could be, but if Dems want to use Katrina for their own political maneuvering, then why can’t Republicans use the current incoming disaster to right those past wrongs?
Now here would be my plan, if I was RNC chair: Have all the RNC top people making emergency kits, boxing supplies and collecting donations door to door. Make any one who wants to attend the convention donate some time. The topper…tell the media if they want in for photo’s, video, etc., they need to donate at least 2 hours a person themselves.
I really, sincerely hope they end up doing this. It would be a masterstroke of genius politically speaking and would be amazing help for the soon-to-be-victims of the latest hurricane in the LA/MS region. From CNN:
A senior McCain source said Saturday that officials are considering turning the convention into a service event, a massive telethon to raise money for the Red Cross and other agencies to help with the hurricane.
“He wants to do something service-oriented if and when the storm hits and it’s as bad as its expected to be now,” the McCain source said.
They are also hoping to get McCain himself to a storm-affected area as soon as possible.
I’ve been on three short-term trips to Bay St. Louis, MS to help the victims of Hurricane Katrina, so my heart goes out to the folks that are in the Gustav’s path now. A national fundraiser as a part of the RNC would provide a lift and encouragement to them – as well as a lift for how folks view the GOP in general.
Politico’s Michael Calderone has just posted this release for Sunday’s “Face the Nation“:
CBS NEWS’ “FACE THE NATION” WILL BROADCAST FROM ST. PAUL WITH GIULIANI, LIEBERMAN, JINDAL AND FIORINA
ON SUNDAY, AUGUST 31
On the eve of the GOP Convention, Bob Schieffer will anchor FACE THE NATION from St. Paul this Sunday (31) with four top Republicans — former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani, who is also the keynote speaker of the event, Sen. Joseph Lieberman (I-Conn.), Gov. Bobby Jindal (R-La.) and former Hewlett-Packard Chairwoman Carly Fiorina—as well as New York Times columnist David Brooks. The broadcast will emanate from the Xcel Center in St. Paul, Minn. FACE THE NATION is broadcast Sundays (10:30-11:00 AM, ET; check local listings) on the CBS Television Network. Carin Pratt is the executive producer.
Four top Republicans? A Freudian slip or is Lieberman now an “Independent Republican?”
There are some significant additions and changes, including my homestate House candidate Cynthia Lummis (go Wyoming!). The full list is below the fold (names with asterisks* are new additions or changes from the first list sent out last week):
(more…)
Stephen Spruiell of National Review reports:
The last sentence in the economy section of the working draft of the Republican platform states, “The U.S. government should end mandates for ethanol and let the free market work.” In full committee, the co-chairman of the energy subcommittee attempted to strip the sentence from the economy section, arguing that statements on biofuel policy properly belong in the energy section.
Delegate after delegate spoke in turn against stripping the statement out. “This is a free-market issue,” Jeff Grossman of Oregon argued. Grossman said that when the latest round of ethanol mandates kicked in, food prices in Oregon went up and gas mileage went down. Several of his colleagues echoed his complaints.
Only one delegate defended ethanol mandates out of seven or eight who spoke. Strong Republican-Party opposition to ethanol mandates is new. President Bush still supports the mandated consumption of ethanol, which was enacted by a Republican Congress in 2005 and increased by a Democratic Congress with Republican support in 2007.
After so many of his colleagues spoke out against his amendment, the energy subcommittee co-chair respectfully withdrew it, and the statement stayed in the platform.
This does not bode well for Minnesota Governor Tim Pawlenty, who has been one of the fiercest advocates and defenders of ethanol mandates and the subsidizing of the corn-based biofuel; a position that has placed him squarely at odds with John McCain, who has been one of the leading voices in the Senate in opposition to the misguided compulsory energy policies. With McCain and the GOP eager to throw Pawlenty’s pet project under the bus, it remains to be seen whether this declaration in the GOP platform now leaves Pawlenty’s drive to become McCain’s running mate running on fumes.
Beginning Monday, Aron Goldman, Alex Knepper and I will be blogging live from the Republican National Convention in St. Paul — where we hope to provide our readers with frequent posts, video, and photos from the Xcel Center.
We hope you all will enjoy our coverage.
CBS News is reporting:
Former New York City mayor and presidential candidate Rudy Giuliani will be the keynote speaker at the Republican National Convention, which begins Monday, September 1st. His Tuesday night address will follow primetime speeches from Former Arkansas Governor Mike Huckabee and Alaska Governor Sarah Palin.
Former Massachusetts Governor Mitt Romney and Minnesota Governor Tim Pawlenty, who are seen as two of the most likely candidates to become John McCain’s running mate, were not granted primetime speaking slots. Romney is currently slated to speak on Wednesday, Sept 3rd, while Pawlenty is scheduled to join Charlie Crist, Sam Brownback and Mel Martinez to address the convention on Thursday, Sept. 4th, before McCain’s convention-closing address. (The schedule could change.)
Whomever McCain selects as his running mate will give an address in primetime on Wednesday, along with Cindy McCain and Louisiana Governor Bobby Jindel.
Former Democrat Joe Lieberman and Vice President Dick Cheney will speak on the convention’s first day. They will be followed in primetime by California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger and President Bush and First Lady Laura Bush.
Full convention schedule can be viewed below the jump…
The New York Post is reporting:
Rudy Giuliani has landed a prime-time speaking gig at the Republican Party’s convention in St. Paul, Minn., The Post has learned.
Giuliani, the former presidential candidate and Big Apple mayor, is tentatively scheduled to address the GOP faithful on Tuesday, Sept. 2 – the second night of the convention, sources said.
Giuliani was a marquee speaker on the first day of the 2004 GOP convention in Madison Square Garden.
Giuliani has been a loyal supporter of presidential standard-bearer John McCain ever since his own campaign flamed out.
McCain, in a recent Post interview, said of Giuliani: “I’ve been with him a lot. I appreciate more than I could tell you his friendship and support. And that was steadfast throughout the primary.”
“He’s a great American. He united America. I’ll never forget that as long as I live,” McCain said, referring to Giuliani’s composure after 9/11.
There is no better way to make sure that you are part of history in St. Paul this September than becoming a volunteer for Republican National Convention.
The RNC is looking for a total of 10,000 volunteers to help welcome delegates at airports and hotels, assist with transportation logistics, work with security teams, supporting convention operations at the Xcel Energy Center, as well as providing guest services and other hosting activities at CivicFest in the Minneapolis Convention Center.
Hosting the Republican National Convention is a once in a lifetime honor for our beloved Twin Cities. It is incumbent upon all Minnesota Republicans to do whatever we can to help make our convention a success.
Please take a moment to head on over to the Minneapolis/St. Paul 2008 Host Committee’s site and volunteer to help our convention become all it can be.
Show your pride in being a Minnesota Republican and make memories that will last a lifetime.
The Hill is reporting that Sen. Lieberman is willing, despite the risks:
Sen. Joe Lieberman (I-Conn.), the Democratic Party’s 2000 vice presidential nominee, is leaving open the possibility of giving a keynote address on behalf of Sen. John McCain (Ariz.) at the Republican National Convention in September.
Republicans close to the McCain campaign say Lieberman’s appearance at the convention, possibly before a national primetime audience, could help make the case that the presumptive GOP nominee has a record of crossing the aisle. That could appeal to much-needed independent voters.
McCain has yet to ask Lieberman to speak, either in primetime or elsewhere, at the convention. But if McCain thinks it will help make his case for the White House, as some of his allies suspect, Lieberman would be willing to speak on his behalf.
“If Sen. McCain, who I support so strongly, asked me to do it, if he thinks it will help him, I will,” Lieberman said in a brief interview.
Lieberman said he doubts McCain will ask him to give a keynote address, but acknowledges the subject has yet to come up in the two senators’ discussions.
A Lieberman aide said even though there are no plans for the Independent to give a speech at the convention, it is a “likely possibility” he will address the Republican audience in some form.
Appearing before the Republican convention carries some risk for Lieberman. His Democratic colleagues could seek retribution by taking away his gavel on the Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee next Congress.
Lieberman has had a long leash this Congress because his decision to caucus with Democrats – despite losing Connecticut’s 2006 Democratic primary – allows them to hold their narrow 51-49 majority. If Democrats pick up more seats as expected in November, and Lieberman angers Democrats along the campaign trail, some privately expect there might be an attempt to deny him his bid to retain his chairmanship.
One Democratic leadership aide said losing his chairmanship could happen in that scenario, but “the bar would have to be very high.”
